woensdag 20 juni 2007

Palestina 3

In Gaza City Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas giving the letter of appointment to Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, 15 February 2007. (MaanImages/POOL/PPO)

Whose Coup, Exactly?
Virginia Tilley,
The Electronic Intifada

Having sacked Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas and dissolved his democratically-elected government, Palestinian Authority (PA) president Mahmoud Abbas has now installed Salam Fayyad as the new Prime Minister, to the clear delight of the West. Mutual accusations are hurled by Abbas and Haniyeh that the other side launched a coup against the legitimate authority. Nevertheless, now a fresh line of grave Palestinian faces has lined up before the cameras as Fayyad's new "emergency government" is sworn in. That the new PA has virtually no power in the West Bank, and none at all in Gaza, is the first glaring problem with this pageantry. (Bitter jokes about a 'two-state solution' consisting of the West Bank and Gaza Strip have circulated.) An international community worried by the 'coup' accusation might endorse the Fayyad government as the seemingly correct position. But the 'coup' claim stumbles over a basic problem -- that Abbas's appointing a new prime minister was itself entirely illegal. The new 'emergency government' is illegal, too. According to the Basic Law of Palestine (as amended in 2003), which serves as the constitution of the PA, Abbas can do neither of these things. Nor can the new 'emergency government' claim any democratic mandate. This means that Abbas and the Fayyad government are ruling by decree, outside the framework of the Basic Law. So on what basis is that government supposed to govern -- and on what basis are foreign governments supposed to deal with it?According to the Basic Law, Abbas has violated a whole stream of Articles as well as the spirit of its checks and balances, which were designed during the Arafat era partly to limit the power of the presidency. With full US and Israel support (if not their insistence), Abbas has baldly trashed numerous provisions of the Basic Law, including:
· The President can sack his Prime Minister (Article 45) but he cannot legally appoint a new Prime Minister that does not represent the majority party (i.e., Hamas).
· In the event that a President sacks the PM, the Government is considered to have resigned (Article 83), but the serving Cabinet (here, the Hamas-led Cabinet) is supposed to govern until a new Cabinet is confirmed by the Legislative Council (Article 78).
· Only the Legislative Council can confirm the new PM and Cabinet and the new officials cannot take their oaths (Article 67) or assume their duties (Article 79) until this is done. We might now look for the Fayyad government to go to the Legislative Council for post hoc approval, but if the Legislative Council cannot vote for lack of a quorum -- because too many of its members are in jail or refuse to participate -- then the Cabinet cannot be legally confirmed. The Basic Law provides no remedy for conditions where the Legislative Council cannot vote to confirm the Cabinet or the actions of the President.
· The President can rule by degree during emergencies (Article 43) but the Legislative Council must approve all these decrees at its first meeting.
· The President cannot suspend the Legislative Council during a state of emergency (Article 113).
· The President has no power to call early elections, either.
· The Basic Law has no provision whatsoever for an "emergency government."'

Lees verder: http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article7038.shtml

Heeft u in de Nederlandse commerciele massamedia al serieuze analyses ontdekt van de door - onder andere - het Nederlandse kabinet gesteunde schendingen van de Palestijnse democratie? Heeft u daarover al een serieus parlementair debat daarover gehoord van onze democratisch gekozen volksvertegenwoordigers?

Geen opmerkingen:

Peter Flik en Chuck Berry-Promised Land

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